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The comparative study between urban regions gathered by the 2010 National Project of Relevant Interest financed by the Italian Ministry of Education, University and Research (MIUR – PRIN 2010) re-opened, in Italy, the debate on regional comparison of data, especially the ones of land use monitoring, which are difficult to collect, and to compare. The purpose of this paper is to illustrate some results of comparative studies based on regional and national data sets of land use indicators. Further considerations of land use change (LUC) assessment and its effect on environmental policies extended to the whole metropolitan area of Milan are outlined.

The adopted methodology collects different types of information from the existent databases on land uses/land covers (national/regional) and presents an assessment between the selected case of studies (urban regions), leading a shift from a quantitative evaluation to a qualitative one. A comparative study was conducted applying a geographical and statistical difference of land uses among different time thresholds. Subsequently, a cross-tabulation analysis allows an in-depth LUC analysis for the Milan urban region.

The results of the study display an autonomous pattern for the Milan urban region, which is the most densely populated area in Italy and seems to be the only comparable to other international cases of studies due to its extension and characteristics. Nevertheless, it is not the urban region that is affected by the highest rate of land take, which takes place in the Italian context where densities of settlements are lower and sprawled. According to Soja’s (2011) interpretation, the post-metropolitan condition of Milan seems to be proved.

The study was aimed at creating the first online National Atlas which has been used to overcome traditional problems of homogenization of LUC data in Italy. The quantification and qualification of LUC patterns allow us to understand if, and where, post-metropolis condition occurs. This research gives a clear indication of the kind of ongoing phenomena for policy orientation to planners and administrators, especially the one of the green infrastructure approach at the city-region level to solving the emerging environmental challenges.

Over the past four decades, many urban regions, including the Amsterdam region, have changed from compact monocentric urban entities to - albeit still fairly compact - polycentric urban regions. This has been illustrated frequently and in various ways, for example with daily interaction information. A question relevant to this transformation concerns the implications it poses to the different centres and milieus in the urban region, especially the “old” central city. Is the central city quickly losing position, or is it gaining a new, vital place in the urban region? Can the answer to that be deduced from the population dynamics in the urban region? Is insight into the residential mobility process helpful in understanding the changing residential structure and the functioning of the urban system? This paper addresses these questions, using data that make it possible to analyse urban dynamics.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the regional profile of poverty in Uttar Pradesh, one of the most populated and impoverished states of India. It also identifies the factors underlying the inter-regional differences of poverty in the state.

Regional estimates have been evaluated by dividing the state into four economically classified regions (Western, Central, Southern, and Eastern), using the unit-level records of two latest available Consumption Expenditure Surveys of NSSO representing the period 2009-2010 and 2011-2012. Poverty has been defined by the latest available Rangarajan Expert Groups’ poverty line and aggregated in terms of headcount ratio and share of below poverty line population. Furthermore, to investigate the correlates of poverty, a survey-based logistic regression has been estimated specifically for each region and for both rural and urban areas.

Estimates reveal that though overall poverty in the state has declined, inter-regional poverty trends witness rise in the level of impoverishment particularly in urban Southern Region (SR), rural Eastern Region (ER), and in both rural and urban areas of Central Region. Nevertheless, the inter-regional disparity in poverty has observed a decline; it can further be eliminated if such high poverty reduction in urban ER and rural SR is sustained along with a similar progress in their impoverished counterparts.

The study recommends that poverty alleviating policies in the state should focus more on reducing the household size, development of socially excluded sub-groups (Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes), delivery of basic facilities (education and health care), and enhancement of employment prospects for casual laborers, with special emphasis on identified impoverished regions.

Since the 1950s, and the steadily growing mobility of people and production (economic activity) as a result of the shift to road traffic, especially in North America, suburban areas have grown rapidly as residential areas and places of (post-industrial) economic activity (Hoffmann-Axthelm, 1998). People moved from ‘the country’ and, especially, the established central cities to the more spacious and cheap to develop peripheral locations. In Europe, differences have emerged on the basis of established planning law and thus availability of land for development, and of historic legacies in the relationship between ‘city’ and ‘country’. Thus, for instance, while in Germany cities were distinctly separate from their surrounding areas in legal terms and land ownership, in Italy, cities have been viewed as ‘owning’ or controlling the surrounding areas to the extent that these are subservient to the cities’ developmental needs (Heitkamp, 1998).

The policy for spatial organization considers three levels: the first is the distribution between the rural and urban populations, the second is the distribution of the urban population between the metropolitan region and the interior, and the third is the spatial organization of the urban population in the interior.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the engineering of creative urban regions through knowledge‐based urban development. In recent years city administrators realised the importance of engineering and orchestrating knowledge city formation through visioning and planning for economic, socio‐cultural and physical development. For that purpose a new development paradigm of “knowledge‐based urban development” is formed, and quickly finds implementation ground in many parts of the globe.

The paper reviews the literature and examines global best practice experiences in order to determine how cities are engineering their creative urban regions so as to establish a base for knowledge city formation.

The paper sheds light on the different development approaches for creative urban regions, and concludes with recommendations for urban administrations planning for knowledge‐based development of creative urban regions.

The paper provides invaluable insights and discussion on the vital role of planning for knowledge‐based urban development of creative urban regions.

The historical evolution of the economy of Ireland's South East region is traced, highlighting Waterford's key role as the region's leading urban centre and port. What had been a rather traditional regional economic structure underwent considerable modernisation in the last two decades, but lacks the sectoral specialisation which provides a strong economic base in other Irish regions. The National Spatial Strategy, launched in 2002, sought to promote regional specialisation in exporting sectors, but lacked the governance structures required to drive the process. The current National Planning Framework is more focused on building up the main regional centres, but is likely to leave Waterford City well short of the scale required to be competitive in global markets. An alternative strategy is proposed, whereby Waterford would work in collaboration with the South East's unique set of strong county towns to create a distinctive and coherent, region-wide and sectorally focused, urban system. The success of such a project, however, would be dependent on the creation of a strong regional government tier and the devolution to the regions of a wide range of powers and functions currently concentrated at national level.

While conventional views of foreign investment activity primarily relate to efficiency-seeking investments, the authors argue that most other outward foreign direct investments (OFDIs) likely have positive effects on income development in the home region. Data on the US urban system not only illustrates this but also shows that this impact is not equal in all city-regions. The purpose of this paper is to develop an explanation as to why high- and low-income cities are associated with self-reinforcing cycles of OFDI activity that have different home-region impacts.

Conventional views assume that inward foreign direct investments (IFDIs) have a positive impact on target regions, while OFDIs are often treated as the flip side of this story, being seen as having negative effects by shifting jobs and income abroad. This paper counters this logic by developing a conceptual argument that systematically distinguishes different types of OFDIs and relates them to economic development effects in the home (investing) region.

Using a co-evolutionary conceptualization, this paper suggests that many high-income cities are characterized by a virtuous cycle of development where high, successful OFDI activity generates both positive income effects as well as incentives to engage in further OFDIs in the future, thus leading to additional income increases. In contrast, it is suggested that low-income cities are characterized by what we refer to as vicious cycles of development with low OFDI activity, few development impulses and a lack of incentives and capabilities for future investments.

This paper develops a counter-perspective to conventional views of OFDI activity, arguing that these investments have a positive impact on regional income levels. The authors develop a spatially sensitive explanation which acknowledges that OFDIs do not trigger a linear process but are associated with diverging inter-urban development paths and may contribute to higher levels of intra-urban inequality. From these findings, the authors derive conclusions for future research and public policy.

Departing from an ideal interpretation of the collaborative governance approach, the authors analyse the integrative and collaborative capacities of project-based regional development actions in spatially diverse city regions in Finland. Scrutinizing the relevance of collaborative ideals and their institutional prerequisites becomes all the more salient given the strong emphasis on collaborative approaches to regional diversities throughout Europe. The results show that the integrative potentials are related to specific types of areas. They also call the facilitating capacities of politico-administrative institutions into question. The results are interpreted in terms of an institutional duality that strongly corresponds to the public-private divide.