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The purpose of this paper is to present the role of social values in setting healthcare priorities in Korea.

Using Clark and Weale's draft framework, Korean healthcare priority setting was analysed. The process values used were transparency, accountability, and participation, and the content values used were clinical effectiveness, cost effectiveness, justice/equity, solidarity and autonomy.

In the Korean health priority setting, it was found that multiple factors influence the decision‐making process. Effectiveness and safety are the two most important values mentioned in the process. Cost‐effectiveness is also considered in reimbursement decisions for new drugs since 2007. Recently, health technology assessment (HTA) has begun to change the social value system traditionally used in the Korean healthcare priority setting.

The paper extends understanding of health priority setting in Korea, and how the interpretation and use of social values has changed over recent years.

This chapter focuses on South Korea’s newly found regional leadership, as the emergent middle power of East Asia, in order to advance regional integration and institution-building. Policy leadership is observed and analyzed from an international lens, linked to the literature of middle powers. The chapter first conceptualizes middle powers in connection with the issue of international leadership, since such states often play important roles in promoting cooperation. The chapter looks especially into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior toward East Asian regional processes and how it has manifested innovative and capable leadership. More specifically, the last three presidencies of Kim Dae-jung (1998–2002), Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008), and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) are scrutinized in the hope of underscoring how their particular administrations, political leadership, and strategic approaches to foreign policy toward the region influenced South Korea’s regional leadership attempts and middle power status.

Drawing from a resource-based perspective in the work–family interface literature, the current study examines how emotional exhaustion, as a resource depletion mechanism, mediates the relationship between family–work conflict and job satisfaction. The authors also considered the content and nature of coworker support to investigate whether there were differential moderating effects of the two distinct types of coworker support: emotional and instrumental support.

The authors surveyed 321 kindergarten employees across multiple sites located in South Korea. Using this sample, the authors performed random coefficient modeling to test the proposed research model.

The results showed a significant negative indirect relationship between family–work conflict and job satisfaction through emotional exhaustion. Furthermore, the findings suggested differential effects of the two coworker support types, such that the positive relationship between family–work conflict and emotional exhaustion was stronger when coworker emotional support was low than when it was high; the positive relationship was stronger when coworker instrumental support was high than when it was low. Moderated mediation analyses revealed that the two types of coworker support moderated the indirect relationship.

These results highlight the mixed blessing of distinct types of coworker support for researchers and practitioners. A lack of emotional support and greater instrumental support from coworkers each, respectively, exacerbate the negative impact of family–work conflict on employees' well-being and, subsequently, job satisfaction.

The purpose of this paper is to examine regional voting patterns in South Korea using the results from six presidential elections since the 1990s.

A χ² test was used to determine the municipalities where a regional voting pattern emerged, and λ correlation coefficients were calculated to examine changes in the regional voting patterns.

The analyses lead to three key findings. First, voting patterns differ in Yeongnam and Honam: regional voting in Yeongnam is getting weaker, it remains strong in Honam. Second, the tendency to vote along regional lines decreased significantly in the election in which the Honam party fielded a candidate with a Yeongnam appeared identity. Third, regional voting patterns declined but then stabilized at a constant level, regardless of the candidates’ local identity, which was confirmed in “Bu-Ul-Gyeong.”

This paper can empirically verify the manifestation of regional voting pattern and confirm the trend. It is possible to derive a condition for suppressing the regional voting pattern.