Search results

Purpose – This study aims to determine the roles of technology through digital democracy in younger generation’s political education.

Design/Methodology/Approach – Research data were obtained through observation, interviews on students in Universitas Malikussaleh, and also retrieved from some literature studies that are relevant to the above research problems. Data are then analyzed by using qualitative descriptive analysis technique.

Findings – The research results show that the role of political activity using digital channels as a form of political participation gives positive impacts to the political participation of young generation.

Research Limitations/Implications – This research limits the scope of attention only on young generation’s participation in political activities.

Practical Implications – The necessity of the younger generation is to be given wider opportunities and responsibilities in the public sphere as well as involving as a member of a political party, or other social and political organization.

Originality/Value – Therefore, in order to push towards political democratization, political education agents must be able to utilize social networking media on the internet to convey ideas, actions, and other political activities for the development of political education.

Purpose – The purpose of this chapter is to identify and discuss the need to inculturate the skills necessary to maintain and expand funding resources for libraries through training at Master of Library Science (MLS) and Master of Library and Information Science (MLIS) programs in political literacy. Political literacy is positioned here as a necessary skill for two key reasons: professionals with better interpersonal and organizational communications skills will be better equipped to lead libraries, and the significant external threats to library funding need to be addressed in a political dialog that requires fluency in political negotiation that is acquired through use.

Approach – Recent trends in civil society and party politics, including the rise of the Tea Party and other organized anti-tax groups, can and do impact the future fundability of libraries. In addition, a reinvigorated form of federalism is taking hold at all levels of government, and the implications of a diminished policy and funding role for state and federal aid is discussed in relation to libraries as tax-supported entities.

Findings – A recent practical example of an elective in political literacy at San Jose State University is discussed. Examples on how to add political literacy training to the curriculum that reference the way intellectual freedom and access have been taught for generations are held up as viable models, including ways to address the values-based conflicts that are inherent in the topics.

Value/Originality – This chapter will be useful to anyone evaluating or designing curriculum for MLS/MLIS and iSchool programs who is considering ways to improve management skills and professional preparation. The chapter concludes with a call to action for leaders in the academy to swiftly and comprehensively integrate both political and economic theory as well as the practical skills of activism and community organizing into the MLS/MLIS core curriculum.

While the determinants of voluntary political spending disclosure have been extensively studied in the literature, there remains a lack of clear evidence regarding the specific impacts of managerial ability and political risk on such disclosure. Thus, the purpose of this study is to shed light on whether and how managerial ability and political risk influence firms’ political spending disclosure.

This study uses a sample of 2,242 firm-year observations of S&P 500 companies between 2013 and 2021.

This study finds that firms with high-ability managers generally disclose more information about political spending. This positive relationship between managerial ability and political spending disclosure holds even after conducting additional tests to address potential endogeneity concerns. Furthermore, this study finds that firms operating in high-risk political environments also exhibit a greater propensity to disclose information regarding their political spending. The results remain robust to alternative measures of managerial ability and political risk.

This study suggests that when designing policy to motivate firms to disclose political spending information, policy makers need to be aware of the critical role of managerial ability and idiosyncratic political risk the firm faces. In addition, this study offers insights to shareholders, advocacy groups, regulators and academics interested in understanding the determinants of political spending disclosure.

This study is among the first to provide empirical evidence that political spending disclosure can be explained by managerial ability and political risk. In addition, this study complements the literature on the consequences of managerial ability and political risk. Focusing on voluntary political spending disclosure, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the factors shaping the overall corporate information environment.

All presidential and legislative candidates want to be the winner. However, they do not know the determinants of voters' reasons for making choices. This study aims to investigate the role of education level, political party brand reputation, religiosity brand personality and e-WOM on voters' decisions with implications for voters' loyalty.

The survey method was used to collect data from 1206 respondents who have the right to vote through offline and online using Google forms shared on social media platforms—data analysis using Structural Equation Modeling using the SmartPLS 4.0 program.

The results showed that Brand Reputation of Politics can encourage brand Religious Personality and e-WOM. Brand Religious Personality is a factor that causes the decision to vote. However, the level of education is not a determining factor for Brand Religious Personality and e-WOM. In addition, brand religious personality, e-WOM and Decision to vote can mediate Brand Reputation of Political loyalty.

The findings from this study can help political parties and candidates develop strategies tailored to voters' needs and increase their chances of winning elections.

The novelty in this study is the development of a model that has never been tested before that uses factor sources from marketing science literacy such as Brand, e-WOM and Loyalty. This study also used moderation variables namely choosing decisions, e-WOM, and religious brand personality. The object of this research was conducted in Indonesia, which is included in the list of developing countries but has never been done in any country. The analysis tool uses the new SEM-PLS version 4.0, so it has a level of novelty and implications that are important for political marketing.

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) might be among the primary factors ensuring any organization’s survival, and disclosing its related information is very important. This research initially investigates the effect of managers’ behavior characteristics, including overconfidence, myopia and narcissism and corporate political ties on the disclosure of CSR. This study also aims to assess the mediating impact of political connections on the association between managerial personality traits and CSR.

The research sample included 129 listed companies on the Tehran Stock Exchange from 2013 to 2020. Behavioral managerers charecteristics. A multivariate regression method with combined data (firm-year) was used to test the research hypotheses.

The results show that overconfidence and managerial myopia cause the disclosure of CSR to decrease. Managers’ overconfidence and short-term attitudes lead to a decrease in the level of CSR activities of the companies and their disclosure, respectively, 0.021 and 0.025. However, the existence of narcissism in managers and having political ties by companies may lead to an increase in the disclosure of the CSR, respectively, around 0.089 and 0.02. Further findings also indicate that political connections may motivate narcissistic managers to increase CSR disclosure near 0.037. However, the results document no significant impact of political ties on the relationship between managerial overconfidence and myopia with CSR involvement.

According to the findings, the authors recommend to stockholders that employing narcissistic managers and improving political connections might be two effective strategies to enhance the level of CSR engagement. One of the critical limitations of the current paper might be its generalizability. As Iran is an emerging and fossil fuel seller country, its institutional settings may significantly differ from those of developed and industrial nations. Thus, the readers of these nations must consider such an important issue.

For the first time, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, this research has investigated the moderating effect of political ties on the association between management behavioral characteristics and the level of fulfilling CSR by listed companies.

This study expanded previous studies on the relationship between POP (Perceptions of Organizational Politics) and OC (Organizational Commitment); and it examined the mediating effect of OCM (Organizational Concern Motive) and the moderated mediating effect of PS (Political Skills). Based on the uncertainty management and expectancy theories, the mediating role of OCM was assumed; also, the moderated mediating effect of PS was assumed, because of the effect of the POP on members' motives would vary depending on each individual's ability to respond.

To collect the required data for analyzing the research model of this study, a questionnaire was conducted on employees of South Korean companies and institutions. To verify the hypothesis of this study, the measurement and hypothesized models were analyzed sequentially.

The results of this study indicated that the OCM mediates the relationship between POP and OC. Furthermore, the mediating effect of OCM is moderated by PS. Specifically the negative effect of the POP on the OCM was mitigated in the group with proficient PS.

To mitigate the negative effects of POP, this study suggests that managers should provide fair evaluation and reward based on performance, and consider PS as an important factor in employee selection and education/training.

This study is original in that it presents the mechanisms of both variables in terms of an individual's motive towards the organization. Furthermore, this study is valuable in that it suggests ways to mitigate the negative effects of POP through PS.

Adopting an affective events perspective, our study investigates the relationship between perceived organizational politics (POP) and employee voice by exploring the mediating role of affect and the moderating role of supervisor political support.

The hypothesized model was tested with three-wave data collected from 393 full-time employees.

Results indicate that POP indirectly impacts employee voice through influencing positive and negative affect, and that supervisor political support moderates these indirect effects by moderating the relationship between POP and affective states.

Survey data can hardly test the causal relationship. Effect of employees' POP could be further examined in the lens subjective positive experiences. Organizational politics might have positive meanings.

Our findings show that POP brings employees negative feelings and reduces their voice behaviors while supervisor political support can mitigate this inhibiting effect. Therefore, managers should learn how to use political behavior more reasonably in highly political work environment.

By highlighting the possibility that employees can be beneficiaries having a vested interest in political environment and investigating the unexplored affective explanatory mechanisms underlying the POP–voice relationship, this study provides new directions for future research on POP and employee voice.

Although the outcomes arising from firms’ interaction with policymakers is a developed theme, family firms’ political credentials and lobbying remain unexplored. To ignite this discourse, the extent to which these factors influence family firms’ tax experience and perception of corruption obstacles is estimated, as well as the impact on sales performance.

Cross-sectional data from Turkish family firms are examined by a structural equation model. The sample is comprised of 588 family firms spanning 12 regions.

The paths revealed that family firms’ political credentials do not inherently yield a positive tax experience. Rather, membership of a business association provides a medium to engage in lobbying activity. In turn, this leads to a more positive tax experience but also a greater exposure to corruption. Likewise, informed lobbying increases sales performance while corruption has the reverse effect.

The significant influences of political credentials and lobbying make a novel contribution to organisational field theory. Practically, the study appeals to family firms seeking to ease their tax experience while increasing sales and bypassing corruption.

This study aims to examine the relationship between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and environmental, social and governance (ESG) disclosure and the moderating role of board network centrality and political connections on the nexus between EPU and ESG.

Using a sample of the UK Financial Times Stock Exchange (FTSE) 350 firms during 2007 to 2018, this study examines the relationship between EPU and the ESG disclosure and the moderating effects of board centrality and board political connections using multivariate regression analysis.

The results show that firms tend to increase their ESG disclosure when EPU rises. The results also reveal that EPU is negatively associated with firms’ financial performance and ESG performance is less evident for firms with higher ESG disclosure scores and is observed only when board centrality is relatively low and the political connections are absent. The study finds further evidence to support the hypotheses during periods of heightened conflicts (i.e. global financial crisis and the Brexit referendum).

This study offers practical insights for corporate managers who attempt to preserve and enhance their firms’ competitive advantages via maintaining its stakeholders support through greater ESG disclosure during heightened EPU periods.

By integrating the resource-based view (RBV) and the signaling theory, this study extends the signaling theory and RBV by examining the relationship between EPU and ESG disclosure as a signal to its stakeholders and information advantages that board centrality and political connections bring to the company to reduce information asymmetry between the firms and its stakeholders during EPU.

This paper aims to specifically analyze the interrelationships of employee political skill and personal reputation with both workplace and non-workplace outcomes. The study further focuses on performance and career development as workplace outcomes and entrepreneurial intentions as a non-workplace outcome, while analyzing employee political skill and personal reputation.

The study uses a survey method, where multi-source data were collected in a time-lagged fashion from the employees working in the textile sector in an under-researched emerging economy setting of Pakistan.

The findings establish that political skill is a significant predictor of employee job performance, career development and entrepreneurial intentions. Moreover, the mediating role of personal reputation was confirmed for the proposed relationships. Hence, the findings highlight the contributory role of personal reputation in the enhancement of workplace and non-workplace outcomes, such as entrepreneurial intentions linked to political skill.

Despite some limitations, this paper offers theoretical implications both for political skill and indirect reciprocity literature. A vital theoretical contribution is extended by studying the mediating role of personal reputation in the main relationships analyzed in this paper. The scope of indirect reciprocity is expanded by identifying personal reputation as a vital mechanism for indirect reciprocity.

Organizations should focus on developing political skill amongst their employees, as these skills are salient for amassing a favorable reputation, that eventually leads to performance, career growth and development of entrepreneurial intentions. Organizations should put in place careful selection and coaching and mentoring programs that equip employees with such skills that eventually lead toward the alignment of employees’ personal goals and organizational goals. Employees, then, could focus on priming both organizational and personal goals.

This paper is one of the pioneering studies that specifically link employee political skill with job performance, career development and entrepreneurial intentions, especially in the relatively volatile and under-researched context of Pakistan. Another novelty of this research is the investigation of personal reputation as a psychological mechanism underlying the primary relationships proposed in this research.