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Information Systems (IS) theory concentrates on getting the right information at the right time in the right format to the right user. The development of information systems, then, requires focus on organizational objectives, designs and dynamics as much as it requires focus on the procurement of the most appropriate hardware and software. The essence of “systems analysis” should not focus on computer‐related concerns, but rather focus on the root of the problem which is the need for the right information. Moreover, not only should this analysis focus on the functionality of the organization but also on the improved effectiveness derived from the new or upgraded information system. In this paper, we present information ‐ in the form of outcome measures ‐ which are needed to initiate, and subsequently evaluate health delivery performance within Integrated Community‐Based Health Delivery Systems.

The credit scoring industry has been concerned with the efficiency of scoring‐levels of bad rate, amount of loan losses. Very little concentration, however, has been given to the effectiveness of scoring. Presents the principles of the total quality management model and how the components therein can be explored in an attempt to improve effectiveness. Benchmarking is presented as a method of communicating these components.

Presents a set of quality measures which can be used to evaluate the effectiveness of credit scoring models. These measures comprised standard performance statistics in order to ensure widespread applicability. Calculates quality measures for actual scoring models in place at a Canadian bank.

Although marketing does not play a large role in the Canadian health‐care system, acute care facilities have been conducting patient satisfaction surveys as a quality measurement tool for a number of years. More recently those in the long‐term care system have expressed an interest in this concept. This study set out to determine if long‐term care facilities in the Ministry of Health, Ontario Central West Region, conduct consumer satisfaction surveys. If they do, the study asked how the information is utilized and, if they do not, why not. This paper will highlight issues of service quality, health‐care quality and health‐care consumer satisfaction. This study is focused on long‐term care; however, the majority of the available research and information pertains to the acute care system. Although the principles of quality measurement and consumer satisfaction are the same for acute and long‐term care, our findings will identify the unique ways in which these principles apply to the long‐term care system.

In antitrust class-action litigation, courts are increasingly unlikely to accept the presumption that all class members were harmed by price-fixing among a group of firms or by exclusionary behavior by a single firm. Econometric methods typically applied in antitrust and other settings estimate the average effect of the challenged conduct, but do not inform impact for individual class members. We present classwide econometric methods and statistical tests for detecting the existence (or lack thereof) of common impact and determining what proportion (if any) of the proposed class suffered injury in many class actions. We conclude that econometric tools can meaningfully inform the legal process, even when courts demand proof of common impact.

A number of incidents and community movements in the post-economic growth era have come to shape understandings of the Republic of Ireland’s marginalized groupings. These groups exist in both urban streetscapes and rural communities; all have come to represent a new culture of transgressive resistance in a state that has never completely dealt with issues of political legitimacy or extensive poverty, creating a deviant form of ‘liquid modernity’ which provides the space for such groupings to exist. This chapter demonstrates that the prevailing ideology in contemporary, post-downturn Ireland have created the conditions for incidents of ‘cultural criminology’ that at times erupt into episodes of counter-hegemonic street level governmentality.

The chapter further argues that these groups which have emerged may represent the type of transgressive Foucaultian governmentality envisaged by Kevin Stenson, while they are indicative of subcultures of discontent and nascent racism, which belie the contented findings of various affluence and contentment surveys conducted during the years of rapid growth. The chapter develops this theme of counter-hegemonic ‘governmentality’, or the regional attempts to challenge authorities by local groups of transgressors. The chapter finally argues that, in many ways, the emergence of a culture of criminality in the Irish case, and media depictions of the same can be said to stem from the corruption of that country’s elites as much as from any agenda for resistance from its beleaguered subcultures.

This chapter analyzes the campaign against race norming in the 2013 National Football League (NFL) concussion settlement that caregivers of retired players designed, and it considers how their collective action throws new light on activism in sport. While there is a substantial literature on how individual athletes engage in protest, less work has focused on how families – partners, children, siblings, and parents – of athletes organize as a group to answer back to anti-Black racism in professional sport. I argue that a group of spouses used their position as caregivers to shame the NFL, the presiding judge of the settlement, Class Counsel, and even the Department of Justice into acknowledging not only individual suffering from traumatic brain injury but also of the distribution of that suffering across households. Specifically, the wives group expanded definitions of risk and damage to include not only individual illness but also family and group suffering and demanded inclusion of gendered and racialized aspects of social care. Through their campaign, the group recast what is considered protest in the world of sport and who has the ability to access an activist subjectivity.

The US fossil fuel industry is vulnerable to opposition from other sectors of the ruling class. Non-fossil fuel capitalists might conclude that climate breakdown jeopardizes their interests. State actors such as judges, regulators, and politicians may come to the same conclusion. However, these other elite actors are unlikely to take concerted collective action against fossil fuels in the absence of growing disruption by grassroots activists. Drawing from the history of the Obama, Trump, and Biden presidencies, I analyze the forces determining government climate policies and private-sector investments. I focus on how the climate and Indigenous movements have begun to force changes in the behavior of certain ruling-class interests. Of particular importance is these movements' progress in two areas: eroding the financial sector's willingness to fund and insure fossil fuels, and influencing judges and regulators to take actions that further undermine investors' confidence in fossil fuels. Our future hinges largely on whether the movements can build on these victories while expanding their base within labor unions and other strategically positioned sectors.