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This paper aims to explore the prevalence of depression, anxiety symptoms and suicidal ideation among the Romani population in Ukraine and their connections with various social health determinants: age, gender, household characteristics, employment and living conditions.

For measuring mental health conditions, GAD-7 and PHQ-9 were used. Individual interviews were conducted by trained volunteers of the International Charitable Organization “Roma Women’s Foundation Chirikli”. Data were gathered from January to March 2020.

The overall level of depression found in the sample was 8.08, while the mean for anxiety was 7.22. In general, 32.7% of respondents scored positively for signs of depression and 29.6% for anxiety. The two-week prevalence of suicidal ideations was 26.9%. Compared to the general population, the prevalence of depression among the Romani research participants was twofold higher, and anxiety was 2.5-fold higher. Signs of depression and anxiety in women were significantly higher (36% vs 28.6% for depression and 33.9% vs 24.2% for anxiety) than in men. Signs of depression and anxiety were higher for people without education than for university students (9.32 vs 3.04 for depression and 8.26 vs 3.00 for anxiety). The lowest levels of depression, anxiety and suicidal ideation were among officially married persons (6.61, 6.36 and 0.23, respectively). Significant small positive correlations were found between all measurements and the number of household members (0.149 for depression, 0.124 for suicidal ideation and 0.175 for anxiety; p < 0.001) and the number of children (0.303 for depression, 0.224 for suicidal ideation and 0.243 for anxiety; p < 0.001). In terms of employment, the highest scores for depression, anxiety and suicidal ideation were found among those who are employed seasonally (9.06, 8.25 and 0.61) or irregularly (9.09, 8.12 and 0.57) in contrast with self-employed (4.88, 4.90 and 0.19) and full-time employees (5.86, 5.51 and 0.18). Living place (city, village or camp) showed no relation with mental health, except for suicidal ideation: those living in villages had higher levels of suicidal ideation than those living in cities (0.49 vs 0.31).

The study has some limitations. Data were gathered from January to March 2020, and since then, the situation in Ukraine has drastically changed due to the full-scale Russian invasion. While this study’s data and conclusions might serve as a baseline for further research, they do not represent the real-time situation. While many social factors were analysed, the effects found for them do not necessarily represent causality, given the statistical methods used. Interactions among factors were not studied; therefore, no firm conclusions can be made about the effects of those interactions on mental health.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is original in terms of its topic, as the first-ever in Ukraine quantitative study of mental health and social determinants of mental health of the Romani population.

The purpose of this study is to characterize the social and cultural context of the social construction of mental health (MH) by members of Romani communities in Ukraine.

The research collected qualitative data to gain a better understanding of how Romani communities in Ukraine view the social and cultural factors influencing mental health. This paper analyzes data from focus groups in Romani communities in Ukraine (from six different oblasts) from February to March 2020. A total of 49 persons 19–75 years of age participated in the research, including 17 men and 32 women.

This study identifies four clusters of perceived social determinants of Romani mental health, these being employment, financial difficulties, level of education and discrimination. The findings indicate specific cultural characteristics of the Romani community that are seen as helping to support mental health. Family values, mutually supporting and referring to other members of the community are seen as especially important. Such social cohesion is believed to have a positive effect on the mental health of members of the Romani community. This paper discusses the implications of the study and suggests possible avenues for future data-driven policymaking in the area of mental health that take account of the culturally-specific meanings of mental health for these communities.

Given the significant gaps, shortages and, in some cases, complete lack of data on Romani ethnic and cross-cultural psychology, research is urgently needed to fill this gap. Lack of understandings of how Romani construct mental health can lead to badly-matched, misplaced or ineffective actions and distrust. This paper aims to support better understandings of Romani among MH service providers and enhancing the mutual engagement of Romani and MH services, supporting the broader agenda of social inclusion of Romani people.

The purpose of this paper is to explore senses of powerlessness and empowerment among Romani in Ukraine in relation to such social circles as the extended family, the Romani local community and the whole Ukrainian society. The main research interest is focused on situations and factors that make people feel powerless or empowered.

The study was conducted using a semi-structured interview method via telephone. Romani NGO experts approved the interview content. Trained Roma-facilitators were interviewers. Every interview was transcribed for further thematic analysis.

The most prominent empowerment factors for Romani people are located within their families and local communities, while the bigger society (Ukrainians themselves and Ukrainian public institutions) is a main source of powerlessness. At the same time, the rigid role of family and community expectations is seen as detrimental for both males and females.

The paper is original in terms of its topic (senses of powerlessness and empowerment among Romani in Ukraine as social determinants of mental well-being) and research strategy (engagement of Roma-facilitators as interviewers).

This chapter offers an anthropological commentary on the work of the Academy of Social Sciences’ Research Ethics Group and the process through which five generic ethical principles for social science research was created. I take an anthropological approach to the subject and, following the structure of Macdonald’s essay Making Research Ethics (2010), I position myself in relation to the process. I discuss various features of the REGs work including the enduring influence of medicine and biomedical research ethics on the ethics and ethics governance of social science research; the absence of philosophers and applied ethicists and their incompatibility with the kind of endeavour pursued by the Research Ethics group; and the antipathy many felt towards the creation of a common code resulting in a preference for generic principles. This chapter offers insight into the work of the Research Ethics Group and the creation of the five ethical principles for social science research, subsequently adopted by the Academy of Social Sciences.

The Academy of Social Sciences has promoted discussion among its member learned societies in order to explore the possibility of defining common elements among the various disciplines’ approaches to research ethics. This chapter provides a context for and an overview of principles developed by the Academy’s Working Group at the end of a series of symposia to encourage working towards common principles for social science research ethics.

At the Royal Society of Health annual conference, no less a person than the editor of the B.M.A.'s “Family Doctor” publications, speaking of the failure of the anti‐smoking campaign, said we “had to accept that health education did not work”; viewing the difficulties in food hygiene, there are many enthusiasts in public health who must be thinking the same thing. Dr Trevor Weston said people read and believed what the health educationists propounded, but this did not make them change their behaviour. In the early days of its conception, too much was undoubtedly expected from health education. It was one of those plans and schemes, part of the bright, new world which emerged in the heady period which followed the carnage of the Great War; perhaps one form of expressing relief that at long last it was all over. It was a time for rebuilding—housing, nutritional and living standards; as the politicians of the day were saying, you cannot build democracy—hadn't the world just been made “safe for democracy?”—on an empty belly and life in a hovel. People knew little or nothing about health or how to safeguard it; health education seemed right and proper at this time. There were few such conceptions in France which had suffered appalling losses; the poilu who had survived wanted only to return to his fields and womenfolk, satisfied that Marianne would take revenge and exact massive retribution from the Boche!

This paper aims to propose the lens of social practice theory (SPT) as a means of deepening insights into childhood consumer culture.

The data comprise four qualitative interviews and ten focus groups with 58 8-13 year olds in six diverse schools across England, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Transcripts were coded with NVIVO10. Analysis was guided by the three elements of SPT: materials, meaning and competence.

Branded technology products and clothes consistently combined with both the socially sanctioned objective of achieving and maintaining a place in the peer hierarchy and also the three skills the authors have labelled “social consumption recognition”, “social consumption performance” and “social consumption communication” in regular, predictable ways to produce an ordered and, thus, reproducible nexus of actions. Analysis of the inter-relationship between these elements showed that children’s consumption is a specific practice, embedded in their everyday routines. Consumption is also linked inextricably to social position; children’s variable performance of it links with their degree of social acceptance and popularity.

Although the study included a broad cross-section of school catchment areas, they cannot be said to represent all British children. Nonetheless, SPT provides an alternative theoretical perspective on children’s consumption by shifting the focus away from the child, the social context or even the products, thus ceasing to privilege the notion that consumption is something external to children that they learn to be socialised into; or to consciously use for their own symbolic or other purposes; or that they have to be protected from.

Consumption practice is deeply embedded in children’s relationships and is inextricably linked to their well-being. Policies seeking to tackle any single element of the practice, such as media literacy training, are only likely to have limited effectiveness. This research implies that responsible marketing measures need to concentrate on the links between all the elements.

This SPT analysis of children’s consumption makes three contributions. First, it provides a much-needed new theoretical perspective beyond the dominant but limited “consumer socialisation” research paradigm that confines analysis of children’s consumption to the functioning of their individual cognitive capacity. Second, it suggests new research methodologies for understanding the interaction between children and the commercial world. Third, it offers a different approach to policymakers tasked with the controversial issue of regulating marketing to children.