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This paper aims to propose a framework for engaging tourists as citizen scientists in marine research. Justification for such a framework is driven by the increasing use of citizen science (CS) as a method for collecting data in various research projects. While the tenets of CS exist, few studies have demonstrated how these could be integrated to address the challenges and benefits of engaging tourists as scientists.

A systematic review focused on CS-based literature within environmental management, tourism and marine tourism revealed 18 models. Key themes, those repeatedly identified, were extracted. These were adapted to inform the proposed theoretical framework for engaging tourist scientists.

The key themes were clarified and incorporated into the framework to enhance the value of marine research by engaging tourists. Important features considered were the singularity and sporadic nature of tourist participation, training and engagement as well as the reliability of data collected by citizen scientists.

The framework informs the unique requirements of research in marine environments and the under-used potential of tourist scientists.

抽象

本文构建了一个吸引游客成为海洋研究的公民科学家的框架。越来越多的人使用公民科学(CS)作为在各种研究项目中收集数据的一种方法, 这证实了这种框架具有合理性。尽管 CS 的原则是存在的, 但很少有研究表明如何将这些原则整合起来, 以便在吸引游客成为科学家的过程中解决问题, 实现效益。

本文对环境管理, 旅游和海洋旅游领域基于 CS 的文献进行了系统的回顾, 发现了18 种模式。接下来, 提取出重复确定的关键主题。为了吸引旅游者成为科学家, 这些都根据所提出的理论框架作了调整。

为了通过吸引游客成为科学家来提高海洋研究的价值，本文明确关键主题并将其纳入框架。同时，本文考虑到了一些重要因素，包括游客参加, 培训和融入的奇异性和零星性，以及公民科学家收集的数据的可靠性

该框架反映出，海洋环境研究具有独特的要求，以及旅游者科学家的潜力尚未得到充分利用。

Resumen

Este artículo propone un marco de trabajo, para involucrar a los turistas como ciudadanos científicos en la investigación marina. La justificación de este marco, está impulsada por el uso creciente de la ciencia ciudadana (CS), como un método para recopilar datos en los proyectos de investigación. Si bien ya existen los principios de la CS, pocos estudios han demostrado cómo estos podrían integrarse para abordar los desafíos y beneficios de involucrar a los turistas como científicos.

Una revisión sistemática, centrada y basada en la literature sobre CS, y al mismo tiempo relacionada con la gestión ambiental, turismo y turismo marino, reveló 18 diferentes modelos. Se extrajeron los temas clave, identificados repetidamente. Estos fueron adaptados para fundamentar el marco teórico propuesto e involucrar a los científicos turísticos.

Se aclararon los temas claves y se incorporaron en el marco de trabajo, para aumentar el valor de la investigación marina, mediante la participación de los turistas. Las características consideradas importantes, fueron la singularidad y la naturaleza esporádica de la participación turística, la capacitación y el compromiso, así como la fiabilidad de los datos recopilados por los científicos ciudadanos.

El marco de análisis, expone los requisitos únicos de investigación en entornos marinos y el potencial infrautilizado de los científicos turísticos.

Over a two‐month period, the editor of this review has searched worldwide for the most interesting and useful media articles on the topic of strategic management for the July/August issue of Strategy & Leadership.

In addition to his own collection of finds, the editor sorted through suggestions by a team of veteran top managers and senior academics for new strategic concepts and actions.

The result is a surprisingly diverse set of media discoveries on such topics as market‐creating service innovation, service innovation, organizational DNA, Growth Champions, internal markets, innovation from internal markets, the brainstorming trap, an intellectual capital merchant bank, a new theory of scale, and Oracle's acquisition binge.

URL links and references have been provided for the articles so that managers can easily follow up this quick scan of the media by reading the articles in full.

Provides a snapshot of what managers are reading and a guide to trends and fresh thinking.

Purpose – This chapter is about the author's experience working for Barack Obama's presidential campaign and the racial as well as race–gender dynamics of such work.

Methodology/approach – An autoethnographic analysis was conducted based on participant observation, primarily, door knocking in California and Texas and phone canvassing Americans across the country on a daily or weekly basis.

Findings – The fieldwork revealed the persistence of racially unequal discourse and stratification, not the workings of a post-racial society. While some Americans openly used the word “nig*er” or referenced lynching, more common were the coded forms of racism, such as the notion of “good” (Obama) versus “bad” Blacks. Also, terms like “Muslim” or “not-American” revealed a citizenship-based racism usually reserved for Asian Americans and Latinos now being levied against Black Americans. This more coded racialization hinged on a combination of subordinating Muslims as perpetual racial foreigners and fearing the “browning of America” brought on by immigration.

Research limitations/implications – As this study of a campaign assessed one point in time from an autoethnographic perspective, it is not generalizable to the United States. It, however, is an important window into the social processes involving race (and gender) when historic candidates and elections move the country in a direction it has never been to before and perhaps will never be to again.

Originality/value of paper – Although many scholars have done racial analyses of Obama's campaign and of our society's negotiation of race in relation to the man, few have conducted in-depth analyses from the vantage of a full-scale Obama campaign volunteer.

Barack Obama's emergence as the leader of the world's most powerful nation stirred much enthusiasm in Africa. This article examines Obama's relationship to Africa and African reactions to Obama – spanning from the time of his election to the United States Senate to the current period of his role as president of the United States. Focusing specifically on Obama's Ghana speech and subsequent African policy initiatives, the article suggests that many Africans are disappointed with Obama's Africa policy and that this is the result of several misperceptions: misperceptions of Obama's power as US president, misperceptions of his moderate political world view, and misperceptions of his cosmopolitan identity as an individual of African ancestry.

The emergence of Barack Obama as the President of the United States is analyzed in the context of theories of racial and ethnic relations. While it is true that social science theory did not predict this event, it is also true that the President's election must be seen in a historical context that has seen only one nonwhite Anglo-Saxon Protestant elected to the highest office in the land. Put differently, the chapter addresses why is it that other white groups have not occupied the highest office in the land? The chapter introduces the concept of “segregated diversity” to capture the crisis of theorizing in race and ethnic relations. Harold Cruse's ideas are utilized to bring some degree of order and understanding of the present issues of America and the realities of segregated diversity.

Democratic candidate Barack Obama campaigned for the office of President of the United States on a message of hope and change. Included in this message was an avowed commitment to fighting for equality and social justice. This chapter evaluates the Obama administration's record on social justice issues from a black feminist perspective. I find that although the administration has made some notable achievements, the universalist paradigm from which it operates may cause policymakers to overlook multiply oppressed groups. It might likewise blind them to the processes that generate and maintain social inequality. I argue that the results could hinder Obama from succeeding with much of his social justice agenda. I conclude by discussing how examining inequality through a black feminist prism would enable the Obama administration to speed up its program and develop and implement more effective policies. Finally, I also recommend a social justice project that might help the president create a legacy that will promote his goals long after he leaves office.

As the First Lady, Michelle Obama stated that she had a number of priorities but that the first year would be mainly about supporting her two girls in their transitions to their new life in the White House. Her choice to be mom-in-chief drew unusually intense and rather puzzling, scrutiny. The chapter briefly discusses the range of reactions along the political spectrum as well as African-American feminists’ analyses of the stereotypes of Black women underlying those reactions. This analysis engages the debates from a different perspective. First, the chapter addresses the under-theorizing of the racialized gender norms embedded in the symbolism of the White House and the role of First Lady. It challenges the presumption of traditional notions of true womanhood and the incorrect conclusion that mothering would preclude public engagement.

Second and most importantly, this chapter argues that there are fundamental misunderstandings of what mothering meant for Michelle Obama as African-American woman. Cultural traditions and socio-historical conditions have led Black women, both relatives and non-kin, to form mothering relationships with others’ children and to appreciate the interdependence of “nurturing” one's own children, other children, and entire communities. Those practitioners whose nurturing activities encompassed commitment and contributions to the collectivity were referred to as community othermothering. Using primary sources, this chapter examines in detail Michelle Obama's socialization for and her practice of community othermothering in her role as First Lady. Attention is focused on her transformation of White House events by extending hospitality to more within Washington, DC, and the nation, plus broadening young people's exposure to inspiration, opportunities, and support for setting and accomplishing their dreams. Similarly, the concept of community othermothering is also used to explain Michelle Obama’s reinterpretation of the traditional First Lady's special project into the ambitious “Let's Move” initiative to end childhood obesity within a generation. The othermothering values and endeavors have helped establish the White House as “the People's House.”

Purpose – This study analyzes the rhetoric casting U.S. President Barack Obama in the role of betraying and undermining the nation because he seeks government policies supporting a social safety net, gay rights, abortion rights, and other progressive agendas.

Methodology/Approach – The analysis is based on sociological social movement theories, especially the interrelationship of ideology, frames, and narratives in understanding how activists take their ideas and turn them in to action. The power devaluation model of Rory McVeigh is applied to the construction of reality used by right-wing anti-Obama forces, especially those linked to the various Tea Party movements.

Findings – The most militant anti-Obama ideologues construct frames and narratives based on a dualistic worldview in which Obama and liberals in general are demonized and scapegoated for existing economic, social, and political problems.

Research limitations/implications – More scholarly research using statistical analysis of the views and demographics of Tea Party supporters is needed to provide a complete picture of this new social/political movement.

Practical implications – By showing that right-wing populists are basing their beliefs on a long history of similar frames and narratives, this study can help prompt a more constructive response by political opponents who wrongly demonize the Tea Party supporters and their allies as ignorant or crazy.